The truth will never be in the ignorant, in the cowards, in the accomplices, in the servile and even less in the idiots.
Corruption and drug trafficking: The reasons why Obama does not set foot in Argentina.
By Guillermo Cherashny.
Ayer, el diario madrileño El País publicó algunos de los cien cables enviados al Departamento de Estado por la Embajada de los EE.UU. en Buenos Aires y difundidos por Wikileaks, que constituyen una verdadera condena al gobierno argentino por su permeabilidad a la corrupción. Por ejemplo, está el cable que se refiere a la renuncia del ex Fiscal de Investigaciones Administrativas, Manuel Garrido, quien hizo decenas de denuncias de corrupción del 2003 en adelante, hasta que se decepcionó ante la falta de procesamientos.
En realidad, Garrido renunció por una reforma que impulsó el Procurador General, Esteban Righi, con el apoyo de todo el gobierno kirchnerista, reduciéndole las funciones a la Fiscalía de Investigaciones Administrativas, cosa que no había ocurrido en ningún gobierno anterior, incluyendo los militares. Este informe es grave, porque fue suscripto por Albert Gonzáles, entonces Attorney General del gobierno de los Estados Unidos de América, es decir, el ministro de justicia.
Las advertencias anteriores
A fines del 2010 se difundieron otros cables de Wikileaks en los que se hablaba también de la falta de voluntad de combatir al narcotráfico, sembrándose sospechas sobre Aníbal Fernández. Todo esto antes que de que descubrieran en España el embarque de una tonelada de cocaína a Barcelona y que a un concejal del Frente para la Victoria formoseño se le encontraran 700 kilos de cocaína. Éstos y otros indicios, para el Departamento de Estado, ubican a la Argentina en un lugar destacado en el tránsito, consumo y fabricación de distinto tipo de drogas duras, como cocaína y éxtasis.
In the case of the latter, the Mexican laboratory in Escobar was recently discovered, allegedly related to the triple crime of General Rodríguez and the murder of two Colombians at Unicenter. Added to this is the lack of border surveillance after almost eight years of Kirchnerism, allowing cocaine from Bolivia to enter in large quantities through these porous borders. Meanwhile, the Gendarmerie is distracted from border control to take care of the security of the suburbs, a task for which it is not prepared. Also on this issue are the warnings of the International Financial Group (FATF) criticizing the legal regulations to penalize money laundering, which were recently updated these days and which would not prevent a sanction from the body.
Few analysts took note that Dilma Rousseff, on her first visit as President to Buenos Aires, was not accompanied by the Minister of Economy but by her defense colleague, Nelson Jobin, who pointed out to various members of CFK's environment the importance of growth of cocaine trafficking in our country and that it was necessary to think about combating the scourge with the Armed Forces, which had a resounding negative response. The refusal to use the Armed Forces in the fight against drug trafficking is known, an issue in which the influential minister without portfolio Horacio Verbitsky has the last word. To this dense panorama we add the new government interventions in the markets, harming multinational and American companies with price controls that prevent the arrival of foreign investment.
Impact on the polls
The cables in question are a blow that can have projections in the electoral process, because they show that the distance between the Obama administration and Kirchnerism far exceeds the points of agreement on certain issues such as Iran and Islamic terrorism.
The cables shake the scaffolding of the CFK re-election operation. Is that, in case of being reelected, she will have to live at least one more year with a Democratic administration that undoubtedly thinks of Kirchnerism much worse things than the George Bush administration. Of the dozens of governments altered by the cables released by Wikileaks, ours tops the list of those punished. It seems more than casual that this press operation coincides with the preparation of Obama's tour of Chile and Brazil, in which he will consecrate Washington's privileged relationship with Argentina's two neighbors.
Here we extract some of the most significant contents of the cables:
Cable from the US that denounces that Argentine politicians offer political positions to judges to benefit from justice.
ID: 122468. Date: 2007-09-17 15:00:00. Origin: 07BUENOSAIRES1862. Source: Embassy of Buenos Aires. Classification: CONFIDENTIAL. I don't know: 07BUENOSAIRES1730 07BUENOSAIRES978. Destination: VZCZCXYZ0000. RR RUEHWEB. DE RUEHBU # ZNY CCCCC ZZH. R 171500Z September 7. FM BUENOS AIRES AMEMBASSY. To RUEHC / Secretary of State WASHDC 9266. INFO RUEHAC / ASUNCION AMEMBASSY 6575. RUEHBR / BRASILIA AMEMBASSY 6445. RUEHCV / CARACAS AMEMBASSY 1502. RUEHLP / AMEMBASSY LA PAZ MONTEVIDEO September 6772. RUEHSY RUEHSYTI AMAGEMBASSIA DC 0786 RUEHSYTI / AMAGEMBASSIA CITY, WASHINGTON 0786. RUEHSYTI AMAGEMBASSIA DC86 WASHINGTON. RHEFDIA / DAY WASHINGTON DC. RHMCSUU / FBI WASHINGTON, DC. RHEHAAA / WASHINGTON DC NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL. RUCPDOC / WASHINGTON DC DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE. BUENOS AIRES CONFIDENTIAL 001862.
11. (SBU), federal judge Guillermo Montenegro, who is a leader in the investigation into the alleged bribes received by former Argentine government officials, works on the expansion project of the northern gas pipeline (known as the Skanska case - REF B), has received an offer from the elected mayor Mauricio Macri to join his cabinet as the new Minister of Security and Justice in the city of Buenos Aires.
At the same time, the vice president and candidate for governor of the province of Buenos Aires (FPV) Daniel Scioli proposed a similar agreement for the federal prosecutor in the Skanska case Carlos Stornelli to become his new potential Minister of Security in the province of Buenos Aires Aires. There are rumors that both professionals accept the offers, which leaves the Skanska case at a high of about a year. According to judicial sources cited in the local press, one year is the estimated time for a new judge and the prosecutor to study the case from the beginning and then proceed with the investigation.
The dismantling of the control bodies
ID: 205821. Date: 2009-05-06 21:41:00. Origin: . Source: Embassy of Buenos Aires. Classification: CONFIDENTIAL. I don't know: . Destination:. OO RUEHWEB. DE RUEHBU # . O May 9. FM BUENOS AIRES AMEMBASSY. TO RUEHC / Secretary of State WASHDC IMMEDIATA 3671. INFO RUCNMER / MERCOSUR COLECTIVA. RHMFISS / DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE WASHINGTON DC. RHMCSUU / FBI WASHINGTON, DC. BUENOS AIRES CONFIDENTIAL . SIPDIS. EO 12958: Dec: 06/05/2029. TAGS: PGOV, KCOR, KDEM, Phum, KFRD, SNAr, ASEC, AR. SUBJECT: (C) ARGENTINA: Recent disturbing developments. FRAYED POINT FRAME FOR THE FIGHT AGAINST CORRUPTION. REF: BUENOS AIRES 0428. Classified by: CDA Tom Kelly for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d).
1. (C) Summary: Recent measures by the Government of Argentina (GOA) undermine the independence and effectiveness of Argentine agencies with jurisdiction over corruption cases. In early March, Manuel Garrido, Argentina's chief prosecutor for corruption cases resigned, citing frustration over perceived limitations placed on his authorities by Attorney General Esteban Righi. From the end of 2008 to February 2009, the head of the National General Audit Office (AGN), Leandro Despouy, spoke out publicly against what he, the press and the opposition characterized as Aden's attempts to limit its scope competition.
Both Garrido and Despouy have investigated and publicly reported results involving irregularities by Kirchner officials and their allies. President Kirchner appointed a family friend, Julio Vitobello, as head of the Anticorruption Office (OA) and another ally, Carlos Pacios, to replace Vitobello in the National Comptroller's Office (SIGEN). In the Kirchner's home province of Santa Cruz, a Kirchner niece is in charge of the “investigation” into questionable land offers and the Kirchners' participation in their circle. These advances point to a weak and institutional framework in Argentina's castrated intermittent attempts to fight public corruption. End Summary.
DISCLAIMER OF GARRIDO
2. (U) In mid-March, the Argentine prosecutor in the upper part of the District
Fiscalía de la Nación Office of Administration Investigations (FIA), Manuel Garrido, resigned from the FIA ??after five years as head. Garrido, the political opposition, respected NGOs, the local press and blogs criticized Garrido's treatment of the Gulf of Aden and characterized the forced resignation as a loss in Argentina's fight against corruption. Garrido claimed that his resignation stemmed from Attorney General Esteban Righi's enactment of Resolution 147/08 in early November 2008, which reduced the FIA's powers. The FIA ??was created by law to investigate possible criminal activities of national public officials. Righi's resolution establishes that the FIA ??would no longer have a direct role in cases that it did not initiate with a criminal complaint from the FIA,
3. (U) Garrido harshly criticized Righi's measure, the warning that the FIA ??would cease to exist as an independent organization and specialized entity to prosecute crimes committed by public officials and their interest in congressional action. Garrido further suggested that the lack of a specialized, independent public corruption investigation body runs counter to Argentina's obligations as a signatory to the United Nations Convention Against Corruption. Righi replied that Garrido should refrain from "self-promotion campaigns" regarding his role in the fight against corruption.
4. (SBU) Garrido had distinguished himself as the prosecutor who has presented or the most advanced high-level corruption cases involving administration officials. Garrido played an important role in the following cases: the alleged manipulation of the National Statistics Agency (INDEC) by the Secretary of Internal Trade, Guillermo Moreno, the Skanska accusations of corruption, the money bag found in the office of the then Minister of Economy, Felisa Miceli, the alleged illicit enrichment of Néstor Kirchner and, separately, of the former debt negotiator, Daniel Marx, the overpricing of public works contracts, the installation of electricity cables in southern Argentina by Electroingenieria, a company with close ties to the Kirchners, that employs the son of the Minister of Planning, De Vido; the management of the official publicity of the press GOA Secretary Enrique Albistur; transport train repairs Secretary Ricardo Jaime, and the process of granting highway concessions. Press reports noted, however, that despite Garrido having launched more than 100 investigations in five years (compared to four investigations in nine years by his predecessor), he had not obtained any convictions during his tenure.
A chorus of complaints
5. (U) When announcing his resignation, Garrido complained that he had suffered "infinite difficulties, setbacks, and the trip-ups and ineffable episodes of resistance, administrative and structural deficiencies," said Garrido newspaper "La Nación." He was convinced that Argentina offered corruption to impunity. His letter of resignation would have been a lengthy attack on Righi's resolution and the damage it does to the FIA ??and anti-corruption authorities in general. In his conclusion, Garrido affirmed that, although corruption is common to all countries, Argentine corruption, unfortunately, is distinguished by its impunity and the lack of commitment to face it.
6. (U) From the opposition, Radical Party (UCR), the leader of the Senate Ernesto Sanz, the vice president of the Council of Magistrates, tried to draw attention to Garrido's resignation. UCR, national deputy and bloc leader Oscar Aguad affirmed Garrido was mistreated and cornered by the administration for being one of the few with the courage to challenge his power. Civic Coalition National Deputy and bloc leader Adrián Pérez also joined in the criticism, explaining the resignation as a result of the administration's deliberate policies to weaken and destroy the country's institutions of control. Center-right PRO National Deputy Esteban Bullrich accused the administration of obstructing corruption investigations.
7. (U), Laura Alonso y Delia Rubio, de la ONG Poder Ciudadano (Poder Ciudadano), dijo que la renuncia fue un retroceso en la lucha contra la corrupción. Del mismo modo, el Centro para la Investigación y la Prevención de la Criminalidad Económica (CIPCE) denunció la renuncia de Garrido como un indicador adicional de Righi falta de voluntad de investigar los delitos económicos. CIPCE afirmó “el sistema judicial falla sistemática en su misión para aclarar la responsabilidad penal del empresarios y funcionarios involucrados en tales actos. Y, claramente, el Ministerio Público tiene la primaria responsabilidad de esta situación.”
8. (U) Righi negó todas las acusaciones en su contra y dijo que hubiera preferido Garrido para permanecer en su posición. Al mismo tiempo, Righi acusó a Garrido de dañar la reputación de la oficina del Fiscal General de presentación muy publicitado, pero mal documentada, prematuros denuncias penales. Righi dijo que no había limitado Garrido autoridades.
PARTIDA DE FOTOS
9. (U) Antes de irse, Garrido presentó varios más criminal denuncias que implican a funcionarios de GOA. Una acusa a Claudio Uberti, el ex regulador de autopistas de peaje que fue despedido en el “Valijagate” escándalo, y Jorge Simeonoff en la Planificación Ministerio de irregularidades administrativas y presunta connivencia con la empresa Coviares construcción de carreteras en las negociaciones del contrato. Los otros dos casos acusan al Poder Ejecutivo de las irregularidades en la gestión de financiamiento de las campañas -en concreto en relación con la radiodifusión de los acontecimientos políticos en una red de cable privados con públicos los fondos- y presuntas irregularidades y, en otra carretera concesión con la empresa Caminos del Valle SA. Garrido presentó la denuncia a la financiación de las campañas nacionales Sala Electoral. Garrido presentó una denuncia penal basado en sobreprecios en un proyecto de cableado de electricidad a cargo de Electroingeniería, una empresa con vínculos estrechos con los Kirchner la administración.
TRANSPARENCIA EN ATAQUE
10. (SBU), la Oficina Argentina de Contabilidad Nacional (AGN) se en el centro de una segunda serie de debates sobre la independencia voces en la estructura del gobierno argentino. La prensa dio atención de primera plana a una pelea a gritos en una reunión pública en Febrero de la junta directiva del AGN. El Congreso creó la AGN que será dirigida por alguien, Leandro Despouy, en la actualidad, nombrado por la oposición a la fiscalización del Gobierno de Australia. En febrero de reunión, Despouy frustrado los esfuerzos de los aliados de Kirchner para limitar su autoridad en el establecimiento de la agenda de la AGN o dificultan publicación de los informes de la agencia.
Despouy pointed out that not a single AGN report has been refuted in seven years, but warned the AGN was at risk of losing its credibility as there was, according to him, the controversial Australian Government statistics agency (INDEC). He identified the AGN report on overpricing on a public works project awarded to Electroingenieria as the main factor turning the Australian Government against him. The report was sent to the AGN website on December 3, 2008, after having been approved and signed by the seven auditors general in Resolution 199/08-AGN and presented to Congress, but it was withdrawn in January. , when the Australian Government denies its existence and content. On February 10, “Clarín” published an editorial piece by Despouy in which he defended the AGN's record and drew attention to the attacks by the transparency administration, represented by its attempt to limit the publication of AGN reports. AGN Electroingenieria's report was published online and made available in early May 2009.
KIRCHNERISTS ALLIES ATOP ANTI-CORRUPTION OFFICE AND SIGEN
11. (SBU), President Kirchner in January transferred Julio Vitobello, head of the National Comptroller's Office (SIGEN), to take over as head of the Anti-Corruption Office (OA) in place of Abel Fleitas Ortiz de Rozas, who died in December. The OA reports to the Ministry of Justice and is competent to investigate any use of state funds. Vitobello was brought into the Kirchner administration by the former Chief of Staff, Alberto Fernández. From 2000 to 2003 he served in the legislature of the City of Buenos Aires by the Peronist Party (PJ) and from 1993 to 1997 he served as chief of staff to the Secretary of the Interior.
"The Nation" said Vitobello had opened the fewest investigations of his life in 2008 tenure at the head of SIGEN, part of a chorus of accusations that Vitobello at the head of the OA did not fulfill his mandate of investigate official corruption proactively and effectively. Vitobello is reported to be close to the Kirchners and joins the weekend soccer games hosted by former President Néstor Kirchner at the Olivos presidential residence. Vitobello was replaced in SIGEN by the former deputy Comptroller General, Carlos Pacios, another official reported that he was close to the Kirchners and the former chief of staff, Alberto Fernández.
REAL ESTATE GAMES: EVERYONE IN THE FAMILY
12. (U) In the Kirchner de Santa Cruz province of origin, the investigation of a case against members of the administration and thirteen allies in the business sector remains stalled. The case focuses on the preferential sale of the large properties of around 50 high government officials, including the Kirchner, and businessmen in favor of the administration during the last years of the mandate of Néstor Méndez, the mayor of El Calafate since 1995 to 2007. The investigation is in the hands of the prosecutor Natalia Mercado, who is the daughter of the Minister of Social Development Alicia Kirchner and niece of former president Néstor Kirchner.
The case began with a formal complaint filed by the local UCR leader and former candidate mayor Álvaro de Lamadrid and focuses on the purchase of municipal lands by the Kirchners and close collaborators, including Rudy Ulloa, Lázaro Báez, Carlos Sancho , Fulvio Madaro, Natalia se Mercado, Romina Mercado, Julio Ciurca and Ricardo Etchegaray. Nestor Kirchner reportedly re-sold two hectares (20,000 square meters) with an investment from Chile Group of US $ 2 million - forty times what he paid in less than two years. Lamadrid also alleges that the municipality promotes a public works policy aimed at benefiting VIP landowners. Méndez is at the center of the case, accused of abuse of authority and influence peddling. Now,
13. (C) Argentina corruption scandals that frequently make a big splash at first, only to dissipate into oblivion due to the languid pace of "investigations" and an endless stream of legal ping-pong to which they are send. According to the local NGO Center for the Study and Prevention of Economic Crimes, corruption cases in Argentina took 14 years, on average, to resolve and dealt with only 15 of the 750 cases resulting in convictions (see also Ref. B). At the FIA, Garrido maintains a frenzied level of activity launching more than 100 investigations, but has not obtained a single conviction in more than five years. At AGN, Despouy rises marks for maintaining high standards of integrity, but questions persist as to AGN's effectiveness and impact.
At the OA, Vitobello's welcoming camaraderie with the Kirchners suggests a conflict of interest, as does the court's decision in Santa Cruz to have the Kirchners' niece “investigate questionable land deals. Obvious weaknesses in the main components of Argentina's anti-corruption architecture point to an institutional framework capable of castrating providing the necessary checks and balances. For these and other reasons, Transparency International returns to Argentina on behalf In mid-April among the nine countries in the region that do not apply the established practices against corruption.
ID: 197817. Date: 2009-03-19 16:13:00. Origin: . Source: Embassy of Buenos Aires. Classification: CONFIDENTIAL. I don't know: 09BUENOSAIRES257. Destination: . OO RUEHWEB. FROM RUEHBU # . . Or 191613Z March 9. FM BUENOS AIRES AMEMBASSY. TO RUEHC / Secretary of State WASHDC IMMEDIATE 3343. RUEATRS INFO / WASHINGTON DC DEPARTMENT OF TREASURE IMMEDIATE. RUEAIIA / CIA WASHINGTON DC IMMEDIATE. RUEABND / DEA in Washington DC from IMMEDIATE HQS. RHMFISS / WASHINGTON DC DEPARTMENT OF NATIONAL SECURITY IMMEDIATE. RHMFISS / DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE WASHINGTON DC IMMEDIATE. BUENOS AIRES CONFIDENTIAL 000313. SIPDIS. EO 12958: Dec: 03/18/2019. TAGS: KTFN, EFIN, PTER, PREL, PARM, KNNP MNUC, AR.TOPIC: THE ARGENTINE TAX AMNESTY LAW IN ACCEPTABLE WAITING. Paper, but there are doubts about EXECUTION. REF: 257 BUENOS AIRES. Classified by: Ambassador E. Anthony Wayne for Reasons 1.4 (b, d).
1. (C) Local controversy over Argentina's new amnesty tax law continues, in part due to the upheaval that followed mention of the law at the International Oversight Board.
Report on the Strategy (INCSR) on money laundering in Argentina
(Reported Reftel). The Government of Anguilla rejected the objections that the new law that will facilitate money laundering, and the guarantees of fact during the end of February of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) Plenary that Argentina will continue to comply with its international commitments regarding fight against money laundering and financing of terrorism (AML / CFT). FATF
The president recently told the Argentine press that “it is not enough to have a good law, you have to apply it,” noting that FATF will examine the Gulf of Aden's application of the law during its evaluation of Argentina in the fall. Local bankers say that the law has damaged the reputation of Argentina's financial system and that they do not expect it to be successful in repatriating important funds. Legal experts say that the law, its implementing regulations, and Argentina's general LMA / CFT regime together contain sufficient safeguards to prevent money laundering.
However, these experts worry that the Gulf of Aden does not have the legal and regulatory capacity to enforce controls. They also warn that the tax amnesty law could be used to legitimize local holdings of cash derived from corruption and gambling. The area of ??concern, therefore, as with the general Argentine AML / CFT legal and regulatory regime, is lack of compliance - an issue the FATF should focus on during its assessment. Final summary.
Background: Tax Amnesty and the Capital Repatriation Law
2. (SBU) In November 2008, the president of Argentina sent a bill to Congress to encourage the repatriation of funds held by Argentine individuals and companies abroad. The Argentine Congress approved the bill on December 18, which came into effect on December 24. Under this law, companies or individuals have a six-month window, as of March 1, 2009, to declare funds abroad (or outside the financial system) to local Public Revenues (AFIP). Those who choose to keep these funds abroad are charged an 8% tax. Repatriated funds will face a tax of 6% if the funds are deposited in local banks, 3% if they are invested in Goa bonds, or 1% if they invest in real-time goods, infrastructure or agricultural or industrial companies.
3. (SBU) The law, which aims to attract the return of billions outside the formal financial system (both offshore and in the country and is estimated at approximately $ 130 million), generated controversy and bad press for the Gulf of Aden from the moment the President introduced it. Many local experts and political opposition figures claim the law will facilitate money laundering. Their concern stems from the fact that the law prohibits the AFIP from inquiring about the origin of the repatriated funds. As a reflection of similarly held international concerns, the Chair of the Task Force (FATF), Antonio Rodrigues, sent a letter to the Gulf of Aden in late 2008 asking for more details. The letter was subsequently leaked,
4. (SBU) In response to critics, the Gulf of Aden given assurances that law enforcement regulations that adhere to FATF AML / CFT. The Argentine Government published the application regulations February 2, 2009. These regulations require local financial institutions to comply with current provisions and regulations of the Central Bank (BCRA) and the Argentine Financial Intelligence Unit (UIF). Also include the requirement that transfers from abroad come from countries that comply with international AML / CFT standards.
Conflict between the Central Bank and the AFIP
5. (SBU) A recent development is surprising the difference that has arisen between the AFIP and the BCRA on the application of the Argentine Penal Currency Code (Law 19.359). The law holds the BCRA responsible for investigating crimes such as unauthorized trading and making false statements in FX transactions. This law (and the BCRA regulations) require financial entities to verify that all current operations comply with Argentine laws or that all previous transactions also complied with Argentine laws.
6. (SBU) The consequence of this law is that an individual who sent money out of the country in the past through illegal means that he can now put that money under the new tax amnesty and avoid prosecution for tax evasion, but you can still be prosecuted for violating the FX Penal Code. AFIP officials have reportedly asked the Central Bank to refrain from applying FX Penal Code, since it harms the objective of tax amnesty (scare banks and those seeking repatriation of funds), but the BCRA has said that changing the law requires action by Congress.
7. (SBU) El FX Código Penal no era la única ley el golfo de Adén omitió tener en cuenta al redactar la amnistía fiscal. Golfo de Adén funcionarios también olvidó que los flujos financieros están sujetos la mayoría de a los controles de capital, lo que requiere el depósito no remunerado de 30% del importe total en una cuenta bancaria local para un año. Para corregir esta omisión, el Ministerio de Economía recientemente anunció la suspensión de los controles de capital en los flujos financieros entrantes hasta el final de los seis meses período de amnistía.)
Presidente del GAFI Destaca Necesidad de Aplicación
8. (SBU) El Gobierno de Anguila es el ministro de Justicia asistió personalmente a la 24 a 26 febrero plenaria del GAFI en París para defender la ley y su normativa de desarrollo. Aseguró a los miembros del GAFI que Argentina continuará apegándose a internacionales ALD / CFT normas. El Gobierno Argentino informó posteriormente a la prensa argentina que los miembros del GAFI -incluyendo los EE.UU.- habían aceptado la Ministro de argumentos sin hacer ningún comentario o crítica. En una 01 de marzo entrevista con el diario argentino La Nación, el presidente Rodríguez dijo que el equipo de evaluación del GAFI visita Argentina a finales de este año se compruebe que el golfo de Adén ha puesto en la práctica sus promesas de garantizar la ley de amnistía fiscal no facilitar el lavado de dinero.
“No es suficiente tener una buena ley “, dijo,” Hay que aplicarlo correctamente. ““ Si alguien aprovechando de la ley sólo no pagan impuestos, pero el dinero proviene de una fuente lícita “, dijo,” no voy a decir del GAFI nada... a condición de que los propietarios de esos fondos demostrar a las autoridades financieras el origen.” Rodríguez también señaló que si un país no cumple con recomendaciones del GAFI, que entra en un proceso de “mayor seguimiento “, por lo que este es el riesgo que enfrenta la Argentina.
La visión de los Bancos
9. contactos financieros (C) Después del sector dicen que la amnistía fiscal es una mala noticia para los bancos, con lo que pocos beneficios a un costo alto. No esperan grandes entradas en un momento en la mayoría de la gente están tratando de encontrar la manera de comprar dólares o tirar de dólares depósitos del sistema (y fuera del alcance de la GOA). También dicen que el daño a la banca argentina reputación del sistema se puso de manifiesto inmediatamente después de la Introducción del Presidente de la iniciativa.
Los bancos extranjeros inmediatamente se hizo más sospechosa de financiero argentino transacciones y los bancos locales ya una mayor experiencia dificultades en sus relaciones de corresponsalía bancaria. Por último, varios banqueros han argumentado que Econoffs que tratará grandes transferencias hacia adentro -especialmente de desconocidos clientes- con extrema precaución. Un reportero financiero del diario local La Nación está de acuerdo y dijo recientemente a EconOff que los banqueros locales están especialmente preocupados por las posibles repercusiones que puedan encontrar en el Código Penal FX.
El punto de vista jurídico privado
10. (C) Publicar consultado a dos expertos legales con amplia sector privado y la experiencia de gobierno en el área de ALD / CFT. Tampoco le gusta la ley o cree que va a cumplir el propósito de atraer fondos significativos. Sin embargo, tanto acordar la aplicación de los reglamentos existentes y BCRA y la UIF regulaciones parecen establecer controles suficientes, por lo menos en papel, para que sea difícil de usar la ley para el blanqueo dinero sucio proveniente de ultramar a través de la financiera del sistema. En particular, tanto que la moneda extranjera Penal Código antes mencionado, aumentará la supervisión bancaria de transacciones cuestionables y desalentar dichas transferencias. Sin embargo, ambos están preocupados por el compromiso de Adén para hacer cumplir las garantías.
11. (C) Uno de los abogados, que ha asesorado a los bancos y casas de cambio desde hace décadas, sostiene que la ley no exime cualquiera de las partes aprovechando la amnistía fiscal de declarar la fuente de los fondos. Técnicamente, dijo, “la única ley permite la limpieza de dinero que evadió impuestos, el tráfico ilícito las ganancias. “Aunque la AFIP pueden ser excluidos de indagar sobre la fuente, señaló, cualquier institución financiera aceptar la los fondos se requiere en virtud de otras leyes argentinas y el banco central reglamentos para hacer consultas e informar sospechosas las transacciones a la UIF. Por lo tanto, cree que la ley es técnicamente como de sonido como las leyes similares en otros países (“todos los de los cuales, en la práctica, facilitar el lavado de dinero”, dice).
12. (C) The other attorney, who previously filled out a high-level AML / CFT message in the Gulf of Aden, is more pessimistic. While he reluctantly agrees the law has sufficient guarantees on paper, he argues that it doesn't matter, given the lamentable state of enforcement of Argentina's AML statutes and regulations. The FIU, he argues, is not a dysfunctional organization capable of analyzing or investigating reports of suspicious activity, and the Special Unit of Public Prosecutors that prosecute money laundering cases is wrong with funds and staff. On the other hand, he argues that local banks in the face of the current financial crisis are desperate for funds and the incentive, therefore, is to take what deposits they can get. Finally, believes that the high risk area is the funds that flow into real estate investments and infrastructure projects. While the notaries public that authorize the procedures for such offers are subject to the same laws as financial institutions, they are not supervised by the BCRA and there is no more opportunity for corruption.
13. (C) Both attorneys fully agree that the question is why the Gulf of Aden pushed so hard to pass a law that few expect it to result from funds being repatriated on a large scale from abroad (as one put it, “in a time when most Argentines are desperate to get dollars outside the country "). They both share the view that the true purpose of the law is to allow government officials and their cronies in the private sector to legitimize cash income from payments (bribes and other forms of official corruption) and to shadow business operations. (i.e. gambling)
Comments from the German Embassy
14. (C) Econoff also spoke with xxxxxxxxxxxxxx, who has worked closely with the Argentine FIU for years on AML / CFT issues. Based on Germany's experience with a similar law, believe xxxxxxxxxxxxxx a tax amnesty in itself is not a bad thing. xxxxxxxxxxxxxx also notes that “there is no rule saying that the revenue administration has to ask where the money comes from. "That is the solution most countries, including Germany, choose," because it is the most effective way to control financial entry transactions. "However, note from xxxxxxxxxxxxxx that a government may instead choose to rely on common control points, such as banks, FIUs and central banks (" this is what Belgium did with its legislation. ") However , when choosing this route,
15. (C) This is where the problems lie with Argentina. Considering that the Argentine Government has recently announced that it would triple the budget of the FIU, the money will not come through in time for the FIU to increase its support for banks to deal with inflows during the period of time established since March. until September by law. xxxxxxxxxxxxxx adds that most of those who have been working on AML / CFT issues in Argentina believe that if the law succeeds in attracting substantial capital flows again, “banks will be overwhelmed by the amount of cash flow and will Report everything to the FIU to be on the safe side. The FIU does not have the ability to investigate all incoming cases the way it should, so everything will happen without analyzing Raúl Plée (lead AML / CFT Prosecutor).
16. (C) xxxxxxxxxxxxxx According to the majority opinion that few take advantage of the law to legalize money. However, xxxxxxxxxxxxxx said Aden National AML / CFT Coordinator Alejandro Strega: “if you want to convince people in Paris (at the FATF meeting), you have to demonstrate that security measures and controls are applied outside of AFIP. And we must counteract the most suspicious countries have that their government needs cash and tries to get money from any source that can get no question of how many national or international standards have to breach. "
Send comments on the Tax Amnesty Law
17. (C) Senior officials of the Argentine Government have informed Ambassador and other Emboffs that the Government of Anguilla will ensure that all Argentine AML / CFT, including the tax amnesty law, is governed by international commitments of the GOA. However, as noted above, the Post has not found any non-governmental person who thinks that the impact of Goa's tax amnesty law will be good for the country or will be successful in attracting significant funds back into the system. Our contacts also worry that the law poses a high risk of facilitating the laundering of local funds to be held in cash and derived from questionable means, ie corruption and gambling.
18. (C) On paper, however, the law, along with the implementing regulations and various other laws and the BCRA and FIU regulations, appear to be sufficient safeguards in place to prevent abuses for the purposes of dirty money laundering. The issue then, as with all legislation and Gulf of Aden regulations related to AML / CFT, is one of application and implementation. The Argentina INCSR II report on money laundering repeatedly highlights the Gulf of Aden and the Argentine judicial system for shortcomings on this point. In fact, the INCSR report indicates that there have been no convictions for money laundering in Argentina since the AML legislation came into force in 2000. This lack of compliance, therefore (and not only related to the amnesty law of taxes), it is an area that FATF should focus on during its mutual assessment of Argentina scheduled for later this year. Final comment.
Bribes with Venezuela.
ID: 149735. Date: 2008-04-14 10:26:00. Origin: . Source: Embassy of Buenos Aires. Classification: CONFIDENTIAL. I do not know. Destination: . PP RUEHWEB. DE RUEHBU # . April 8. FM BUENOS AIRES AMEMBASSY. TO RUEHC / Secretary of State WASHDC PRIORITY 077. RUCNMER / MERCOSUR COLECTIVA. INFO RHMCSUU / FBI WASHINGTON DC. RHMFISS / DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE WASHINGTON DC. BUENOS AIRES CONFIDENTIAL 000471. SIPDIS. EO 12958: Dec: 11/04/2018. TAGS: PREL, PGOV, Phum, SOCI, EFIN, AR. SUBJECT: ARGENTINA: TIP AMBASSADOR AND SPEAKS ABOUT CORRUPTION WITH THE NATIONAL OMBUDSMAN.
1. (C) Summary: On April 7, the Ambassador met with the Ombudsman of Argentina Dr. Eduardo Mondino. The Ombudsman spoke at length about the independence of his office, saying that at times both Kirchner administrations have resented him. His portfolio includes the protection of human rights and other constitutional guarantees, as well as controlling the exercise of the public administration function. The Ambassador and Mondino discussed possible areas for future cooperation, including the fight against human trafficking and the fight against corruption.
Mondino raised a case that is investigating the possible involvement of corruption in relation to commissions of being accused in government contractual operations, the proceeds of which are being deposited in a US bank ... LeGatt will follow up on the case with Mondino given the sensitivity and potential to report details on their channels. Final summary.
2. (SBU) Background: The Office of the National Ombudsman (Defensor del Pueblo de la Nación) is an independent body linked to Congress that is responsible for the protection of human rights and other constitutional guarantees in Argentina, in addition to controlling the exercise of the public administration function. It also has the authority to receive complaints, investigate, criticize, and appear in court. Mondino is now in his second five-year term as Ombudsman. He stated that he is willing to both antagonize and work with the Kirchner Administration, noting that more than one Ombudsman report from the Office has raised feathers from the government's neck, such as one on the contamination of the Matanza-Riachuelo, the River Basin or in calling attention to the health and food crisis faced by the Argentine indigenous people in the last month. He also noted that he had offered to serve as a mediator in the recent agricultural strike.
3. (SBU) The ambassador expressed his appreciation for the conference on trafficking in persons (TIP), held last fall by the Ombudsman of the Nation, which included a presentation by an Embassy special agent of ICE. Mondino said he was aware that TIP is a key issue for the Embassy. The TIP pointed out pending legislation, and they discussed criticism of the differentiation bill between minors and adults on the issue of consent, an issue that could limit the state's ability to prosecute and convict perpetrators. Ambassador and Mondino affirmed that there is a definite potential for dialogue and cooperation on this and other issues.
4. (SBU) In the context of the Ambassador's question on the Ombudsman's Office portfolio, Mondino refers to his unsuccessful offer to serve as a mediator between the Australian Government and the industry. agricultural in recent strike. Mondino bluntly asserted that the crisis revealed the confrontational nature of the Kirchner Administration and the President's reliance on a small internal decision-making circle. In addition, he said that it clearly highlighted the lack of dialogue and negotiation mechanisms between the Australian Government and citizens. The Ombudsman indicated that he was willing to independence from his office influence to act as a mediator and forum for dialogue with the government on agricultural concerns and future problems.
Referral to LeGatt
5. (C) Mondino raised the case his office is investigating possible systematic commission cost sharing of 15% stipulated in the Australian Government's share of private contracts and the private sector with a third country. He explained that his office is currently investigating whether this constituted bribery and / or embezzlement and whether these funds are being held in a US bank. The ambassador offered to have the LeGatt follow up with Mondino to see if there is any help the Embassy can provide. Given the potential sensitivity and law enforcement aspects of the issue, LeGatt will report the details on which channel.